By Antonio Montalvan II
Philippine Daily Inquirer
How copious is our understanding of the Sultanate of Sulu? If
Malacañang’s statement is true, that it has only begun consulting historical
documents, then that understanding is miserably wanting. Manila has
always had an ambivalent appreciation of the sultanate and its rightful
place as an institution in Philippine polity.
Islamic scholarship
contends that the first-ever sultan was the Prophet Muhammad. Because of
the high religious regard for him as messenger of God, his earthly
conduct as spiritual leader became an example and tradition. Sultanates
thus became a prescription for sustaining that tradition. All sultanate
countries hold that belief.
Sulu’s early years are not lacking in
historical literature. From the 17th to 18th centuries, the fulcrum of
power was not in Luzon but in East Southeast Asia, a vast maritime
territory of several insular nations—sultanates mostly of fragmentary
polities that relied on alliance-building and trade reciprocity for
their power bases. One of these was the Sultanate of Sulu. The region
attracted the European powers of the day—Dutch, Portuguese, British and
Spaniards. All of them vied to strike alliances with the sultans. Trade
gave them a foothold for colonial expansion and that was the fundamental
benefit. It was in that context that, later, the British North Borneo
Company was created. The Dutch earlier had established theirs, the
Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie (United East India Company).
Sultanic lineage is determined by way of the Tarsila (also Sarsilah,
Salsilah; from the Arabic Silsilah, chain or linkages), a genealogical
account of the Sulu royalty, ensuring direct lineage from the first
sultan. The sultan is not just a temporal ruler, he is also a religious
leader. In the traditional Islamic system, separation of church and
state is nonexistent. But Philippine colonial regimes altered much of
that and demolished traditional Islamic political values. Again, here
are lessons that Manila has yet to learn to this day. Both colonial and
republican Manila, out of arrogance borne largely out of ignorance,
directed changes on the sultanate.
Let’s go back to 1884 when a
power struggle for the sultanate arose after Jamalul Kiram II became the
sultan at the age of 16. Because of his tender age, interim power was
vested in his mother Inchi Jamila as the sultana regent. Then eligible
for succession were three royal houses: the House of Kiram, the House of
Sharikullah, and the House of Datu Putung represented by Datu Harun Al
Rashid. In what was clearly an internal matter, Spain interfered: it
unseated Jamalul II and declared Harun as the sultan (1886-1894). Spain
never understood the cultural nuance that a sultan’s power builds
heavily on alliances with the segmentary datus. Harun failed in that
miserably. Spain was forced to restore Jamalul II (1894-1936).
Jamalul II had no direct male heir. His death in 1936 triggered a
confusion of succession. By tradition, the successor ordained by the
reigning sultan is confirmed by a panel of royal datus, the Ruma
Bichara, and by an ecclesiastical court. The heir is titled Raja
Muda—presumptive heir. Manila newspapers refer to Agbimuddin Kiram as
Raja Muda as if this is his first name. Raja Muda is Agbimuddin’s title.
Jamalul II’s younger brother Mawalil Wasit was proclaimed sultan, but
he died before he could ascend the throne that same year (1936). Amid
the widespread disagreement about his ability to wield power, there was
talk that he was poisoned. His death created a deep division in the
House of Kiram. One side was led by Dayang Dayang (Princess) Piandao
Kiram, daughter of Sultan Badarudin II (the 30th sultan, 1881-1884); the
other, by Dayang Dayang Tarhata Kiram, daughter of Datu Atik Kiram,
younger brother of Badarudin II. Because they were both women, neither
of them could become sultan by Islamic tradition.
So Piandao
proclaimed her husband Datu Ombra Amilbangsa sultan of Sulu. Ombra was
not of royal lineage. Naturally Piandao’s proclamation invited the
objection of the Ruma Bichara. A dispute erupted. Appeals were made to
President Quezon to intervene. Quezon refused and said that Jamalul
Kiram II was the last Sultan of Sulu. Stretching Manila’s string of
blunders, Quezon announced that the Philippine government was no longer
recognizing the Sultanate of Sulu. Meanwhile, Princess Tarhata’s faction
proclaimed as sultan Jainal Abirin II. Three sultans, one of them a
pretender.
Jainal Abirin II was succeeded in death by Sultan Esmail
Kiram I in 1950. When Esmail I died in 1974, his half-brother the Raja
Muda Punjungan Kiram became temporary sultan. But Punjungan went into
exile in Sabah. In his absence, Esmail I’s eldest son Mahakuttah Kiram
became the sultan until he died in 1986. President Marcos had
reinstalled Punjungan in 1981 and named his son, Jamalul Kiram III, his
successor. Jamalul III was crowned in 1986. It is he who holds the legal
papers of North Borneo as decided by Chief Justice Mackaskie of the
Session Court of North Borneo in 1939.
Need we lounge in libraries?
One Manila lawyer makes an issue of the words “ownership” and
“possession” regarding the Sabah claim. Anthropologists like Clifford
Geertz emphasize the need to respond to what the field tells us—the
ethnographic present. That might as well be an advice to the government.
Instead of being obsessed with literary questions in the way Manila
indulges in its usual self-absorption, it can do better to respond by
addressing Manila’s continued disregard of the Sultanate of Sulu instead
of issuing threats of arrest and court cases. This is merely a case of
crying for attention. That cry is valid.
Read more: http://opinion.inquirer.net/48561/the-last-sultan#ixzz2NCKvZGgP
Thursday, March 14, 2013
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