An effective counter-punch

ON DISTANT SHORE
by Val G. Abelgas

Floyd Mayweather Jr. has been undefeated in the ring because he has mastered the art of hit-and-run. He stings his opponents with power jabs and a few solid punches then moves back. His footwork is so fast, he can deliver a few punches and move out before his opponent could counter-punch. He does this repeatedly until the opposing boxer gets tired or gets so frustrated that he drops his guard or becomes careless. That’s when he delivers his knockout punch.

Gloria Macapagal Arroyo has mastered the same trick. She cheats her opponent and when caught on tape speaking with a Comelec commissioner in the infamous “Hello Garci” controversy, she steps back and said “I…am…sorry.” When protest rallies threatened to escalate in the controversy’s aftermath, she struck again with a policy called CPR or calibrated preemptive response where policemen were ordered to break up mass actions.

When the opposition mounted protests and media intensified its criticism of her administration and pressuring her to resign, she delivered a stunning blow with a declaration of a state of emergency in February 2006 and arrested leading oppositionists and raided critical media outfits. After these acts of intimidation, she steps back a week later and lifted the declaration. By then, she had doused cold water on growing protest actions that could have led to another EDSA uprising by prohibiting protests and demonstrations and threatening to detain anyone without arrest warrant.

Many times, she tried to force charter change and stepped back when the opposition to her attempts grew.

When a convoy of civilians and media men were ambushed and executed by the militia of her political allies in Maguindanao while on their way to file the certificate of candidacy of the Ampatuans’ political rival, she saw it as an opportunity to take a swing again with a declaration of a state of emergency, and subsequently an imposition of martial law in the province.

Before Congress could deliberate and vote on its continuation or revocation, and before the Supreme Court could decide on the petitions against the proclamation, Arroyo smartly lifted the order, leaving the oppositionists with nothing to punch but air.

Is the fight over yet? Arroyo has not even started. Like Mayweather, she is probably just tiring the people to submission and testing how far her opponents can still go before delivering the possible knockout punch – a martial law imposition just before the May 10 elections.

An unlikely scenario? Not at the pace she has been trying to remain in power beyond 2010. Not at the rate she has been undermining constitutional and legal processes since her assumption to power by unconstitutional means in 2001.

Have the people grown tired and apathetic to resist the knockout punch? Let’s hope not. The more the people should muster the courage and the strength to fight back, to deliver their own counter-punch and hopefully put Arroyo down on the canvas for the final count.

The senators are right in passing the resolution declaring the imposition of martial law in Maguindanao as unconstitutional even if Arroyo had lifted the order. Former Sen. Jovito Salonga and his group are right in urging the Supreme Court to deliberate and rule on its legality despite the government claim that the issue is “moot and academic.”

Salonga said Arroyo should be made accountable for grave violation of the Constitution when she placed Maguindanao under martial law despite the total absence of an invasion or rebellion, the two grounds warranting the declaration of martial law.

“Respondent Macapagal-Arroyo’s action is capable of repetition yet evading review. There is a high probability that Arroyo might again place Maguindanao province and even the whole island of Mindanao under martial law due to a perceived notion on the part of the Executive that there is a looming rebellion. Hence, for the strict constitutional guidance of the Executive, there is an urgent need to adjudicate on the fundamental constitutional issues raised by the instant petition,” the motion said.

The Senate declared its stand on the martial law imposition by stating its sense that Arroyo’s act was contrary to the provisions of the 1987 Constitution. But the Senate and the House as a joint body adjourned without making a vote on Proclamation 1959. It is now left again to the Supreme Court to make its stand.

The people should continue pressing the Supreme Court to act on the Salonga group’s motion for a ruling on the constitutionality of Arroyo’s martial law declaration. If the Supreme Court follows the steps of an inutile Congress, Arroyo would be emboldened to declare an expanded martial rule that would pave the way for his continued stay in power beyond her constitutionally mandated end of term on June 30, 2010.

Failing that, there is sufficient reason for the spirit of EDSA to rise again and do what democratic institutions shall have failed to do – to stop a tyrant. That is the most effective counter-punch to a shrewd and scheming hit-and-run fighter.

(valabelgas@aol.com)

The Evil of GMA’s Congressional Bid

By Jun Bautista

Post-presidential involvement in politics is not something new. We know, for example, that the late Corazon Aquino continued to involve herself in politics long after she ceased being president, as did Fidel Ramos and Joseph  Erap Estrada. In the US, from which we copied our presidential system of government, many former US Presidents continued to be active in politics long after they have stepped down from office.

It is also not a new phenomenon for a former president to run for or be appointed to a public office after completing his term. John Quincy Adams, after serving as the 6th president of the US, was elected as a member of the US House of Representatives. Now contrary to what the critics say, this would not necessarily cheapen or demean the presidency. John Quincy Adams s incumbency as congressman for 17 years was served well in championing civil and political rights that eventually led to the removal of the prohibition on introducing legislations against slavery.

Of course GMA s candidacy for Congress is unprecedented in the Philippines. What leaves a bad taste in the mouth about it, as described by Sen. Chiz Escudero, has something to do less with demeaning the presidency than with GMA s nine years of presidency being characterized by corruption and abuse of power, and a nagging question about the legitimacy of her ascendancy to power. During her incumbency, GMA s administration has been beset by scandal after scandal, such as the $329-million NBN-ZTE broadband network deal, $14-million IMPSA power plant project, P728-million fertilizer fund scam, P321-million Jose Pidal accounts, and, not least of all, the  Hello Garci scandal  our very own version of Watergate which should have brought down GMA s presidency as it did Nixon s. To this day, however, not one has been put behind bars despite these egregious scandals of brobdingnagian proportion.

The opposition have raised fears of GMA maneuvering her way into power again in running for a congressional seat. The theories range from her gaining the House Speakership, directing a charter change toward a parliamentary government that would make her prime minister, to acquiring immunity from prosecution. But the message that should be stressed is the evil of electing someone whose governance has been tainted with corruption, official wrongdoing, scandals, abuses of power and electoral fraud.

To be sure, GMA being back at the helm is a distasteful proposition. Reprehensible even. But for now this is conjectural and may not happen at all. The opposition should come out strong and emphasize the evils that lurked under GMA s tenure in decrying her return to politics, instead of harping on conjectures about her return odyssey to power. While it is true that none of the charges against GMA have yet been proven  at least in a court of law  there is no denying, however, that these scandals and official malfeasances did take place. And they took place under her watch, which speaks volumes about her competence and effectiveness as a leader. Even worse, the public have yet to see the hand of the law reaching the guilty, while GMA thwarted, under the guise of executive privilege, every effort to bring to light the facts and circumstances surrounding these scandals.

The candidacy of GMA will ultimately be a referendum on her presidency. Her election as a Pampanga representative come May 2010 will put a stamp of approval on all that she represented under her nine years of incumbency as president  something every Pampangueo should seriously ponder before doing.

(For comments and other articles by Jun Bautista, e-mail him at rybautistajr@gmail.com or visit his  The Right to Speak blog at www.articleiii-4.blogspot.com )

The Second Coming of Gloria

PerryScope
by Perry Diaz

Is the Philippines ready for the second coming of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo? After a tumultuous nine-year reign during her first coming, there are signs that bode Gloria’s second coming.

The First Coming

Gloria’s first coming was on Jan 20, 2001 when she ascended into the presidency when then President Joseph Estrada was deposed during the EDSA 2 people power revolution. During her speech at the inauguration of the Batasan Pambansa Complex Annex Building on February 7, 2001, she said: “Through EDSA People Power 2, we have shown the world that, with the guidance and blessing of Divine Providence, we can unite and shape our country’s destiny.” Indeed, Gloria shaped the country’s “destiny” when it was revealed that the first major corruption case — involving no less than her newly appointed Secretary of Justice — was done within four days of her ascension to the presidency.

On her birthday on April 5, 2001, Gloria declared: “I do not plan my life. I leave it up to God.” It makes one wonder if Gloria really believed that her actions were guided by Divine Providence. Or was it megalomaniac illusions that guided her?

Midway through her presidency, Gloria told the nation that she decided not to seek the presidency in the 2004 elections. However, in December 2003, she announced that she was running for president because God told her to run. “Divine Providence put me here. The Lord is a very good Manager of my career,” she said.

Conversations with the Almighty

Gloria was elected to a second term in May 2004. On October 27, 2004, a newspaper reported: “ARROYO CLAIMS RECEIVING ‘DIVINE’ INSPIRATION.” It says, “President Gloria Arroyo said yesterday ‘her conversations with the Almighty’ have provided her with ‘the discernment to call for the formation of a Constitutional Convention’. In a breakfast forum with members of the Foreign Correspondents Association of the Philippines (FOCAP), Arroyo said: ‘I do what I believe is right. How do I know what is right? I am a person who prays. There is discernment of God’s will in my actions. I try to look for the will of God in every situation,’ Arroyo explained. She also said that she has asked her Cabinet members to undergo sessions on discernment, adding that she wanted them to be like her, ‘(who has) a lot of focus by Providence’.”

Gloria’s second term was enmeshed in corruption scandals. She also tried to amend the constitution to change the form of government to a parliamentary system. She succeeded in gathering enough signatures for a “people’s initiative” for Charter change. However, it was rejected by the Supreme Court; thus, thwarting her goal of staying in power. It was a severe setback that forced her to devise other means to achieve her goal.

In my article, “Gloria’s Gambit” (May 2009), I wrote, “With the Cha-cha train derailed, is Gloria going to pursue another elective political office in the 2010 elections? If she does, then we know what she is up to. I doubt, however, that she would admit it at this time. However, many people believe that she is going to run as congresswoman of her Pampanga district which is currently represented by her son, Mikey Arroyo.

“If that would be the case, Gloria would make sure that Lakas-Kampi-CMD will emerge from the 2010 elections with absolute control of the House of Representatives. As a congresswoman,Gloria could easily muster enough support to become the Speaker of the House. She could then maneuver to pass a resolution to convene a Constituent Assembly (Con-ass) or Constitutional Convention (Con-con) to amend the constitution to adopt a parliamentary form of government.”

Martial Law

Indeed, that’s exactly what Gloria did when she decided to run for Congress next year. But there is a twist to her perceived agenda. Instead of taking the circuitous road to changing the constitution and become Prime Minister, recent events seem to indicate that she is pursuing a drastic and less tedious way to retain power.

Seemingly, the Maguindanao massacre provided Gloria with an opportunity to impose martial law in the province of Maguindanao, an act that has been widely criticized by leaders of civil society, the media, the Catholic Church, and the opposition parties. The rationale for opposing martial law is that “state of emergency” — which Gloria imposed a few days earlier in the provinces of Maguindanao and Sultan Kudarat — is sufficient to maintain law and order, and prosecute the perpetrators of the mass murders. According to the 1987 constitution, martial law can only be imposed in the event of an invasion or rebellion. Was the Maguindanao massacre an act of invasion or rebellion? Absolutely not!

“Gloria in excelsis Arroyo”

But why then? A wicked scenario has been postulated by several columnists and analysts. With the support of the generals — particularly the Class of ‘78 — Gloria can, in six little steps, perpetuate herself in power, to wit: (1) She expands the martial law to cover several other provinces or, better, the entire island of Mindanao; (2) As a result, armed confrontation between clan factions and government forces would ensue (the first clash between Ampatuan loyalists and government forces has already been reported); (3) The elections in the provinces under martial law would be “suspended” due to the breakdown of law and order; (4) Since there would be no elections in these provinces, there would be no proclamation of president, vice president, and 12 senators because of the incomplete election results for candidates running for national office; (5) She would handily win her congressional seat in Pampanga and vies for the speakership of the new Congress, which she could easily achieve because her party, the Lakas-Kampi-CMD, would have absolute control of the House of Representatives; and (6) Since the offices of the President, Vice President, and Senate President would be vacant, Speaker Gloria Arroyo would be next in line to assume the presidency in an acting capacity until national elections for President, Vice President, and 12 Senators are held… at the pleasure of Gloria.

The Second Coming

The second coming of Gloria would signify the beginning of Gloria’s “enchanted kingdom” — a dream realized through Machiavellian machinations. It makes one wonder if her second coming would bring peace and prosperity. Or would it perpetuate the misery of the people that have long suffered under the reign of Gloria?

Quo vadis, Filipinas?

(PerryDiaz@gmail.com)

Foreign service officers protest midnight appointments

ellentordesillas.com

While everybody was busy with preparation for the 2010 elections, Maguindanao massacre, and Martial Law, two opportunists were able to wangle midnight appointments from Gloria Arroyo which will further undermine the country s foreign service.

Last week, the 300-strong Union of Foreign Service Officers wrote Arroyo, through their president Vicky Bataclan, protesting the appointment of two Rep. Antonio Cuenco as ambassador to Italy and Ambassador Francisco Benedicto as ambassador to China.

Unifors said they have two fundamental concerns about the appointments of Cuenco and Benedicto, both Cebuanos:

 First, if ever the appointment of these persons is confirmed by the Commission on Appointments, the appointee will only be able to serve as ambassador for less than six months. Such duration in our view does not justify the additional expense for their deployment and transfer.

 Second, we share anew our considered view that the appointment of a person beyond the age of 65 violates both the clear letter and spirit of Sec. 23 of the Foreign Service Act.

Last October, when Unifors blocked the appointment of Foreign Undersecretary for Migrant Affairs Esteban Conejos as permanent representative to the United Nations in Geneva, they pointed out the insensitivity of spending some US$70,000 for an appointee who will stay less than e

Foreign service officers protest midnight appointments

ight months in a post considering the financial severity that the country is going through after the recent typhoons that devastated large parts of the country and ruined thousands of lives.

Arroyo listened and they were thankful to her for recognizing the wisdom of their argument.

But the cases of Cuenco and Benedicto are much worse because if their appointments are confirmed by the CA on Wednesday, the earliest that they could assume their posts would be in February. There would only be five months left in the Arroyo administration.

It is assumed that the two would move heaven and earth to get a new appointment from the next administration (Cuenco has already said he is supporting Liberal party presidential bet Benigno Aquino, Jr.).

This is brazenness in several aspect. Brazen on the part of Arroyo to make midnight appointments instead of allowing her successor to have a free hand in the choice of his ambassadors. Brazen on the part of Cuenco and Benedicto in pushing for their appointment in the last six months of an outgoing administration.

The Unifors cited the age limitation that the Cuenco and Benedicto appointments would be violating. Sec. 23 of the Foreign Service Act (RA 7157) states that  All officers and employees of the Department who have reached the age of sixty-five (65) shall be compulsorily and automatically retired from the Service: Provided, however, That all incumbent non-career chiefs of mission who are seventy (70) years old and above shall continue to hold office until June 30, 1992 unless sooner removed by the appointing authority. 

Also, section 86 of the Implementing rules and regulations of RA7157 is very clear that  No foreign service officer, staff officer or employee who is over 62 years of age shall be considered for foreign assignment.

Cuenco is 73 and Benedicto is 69 years old.

Benedicto was a businessman before he was tapped into the diplomatic service. He is nice person. Not so brilliant as a diplomat but he has had able support from career officers in his previous postings (Singapore, South Korea, Brazil, Canada). He is currently ambassador to India, a post which he has held for less than a year. What then is the rationale in transferring him to Beijing now?

China is one of the toughest assignments in foreign service. Currently, the ambassador there is the very competent Sonia Brady who has actually reached retirement age.

The business side of the relationship with China is ably handled by economic officers representatives from the Department of Trade and Investments. What s important is a chief of mission that has deep policy background because he would be managing volatile issues like the Kalayaan/Spratlys Islands, Asian regional security, Korean Peninsula denuclearization and many more.

The Unifors asked Arroyo to reconsider the appointments of Cuenco and Benedicto and  prioritize the appointment of career officials in the interest of maintaining professionalization of the foreign service and ensuring continuity of service. For the country s sake.

‘Martial law prevented Ampatuans from telling all about Arroyo’

The imposition of martial law in Maguindanao has enabled the administration to prevent members of the Ampatuan clan from revealing their role in the alleged electoral fraud in 2004 which gave President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo six years in Malacaang, an academic who has long studied the politics in the province said Wednesday.

Francisco Lara, a research associate from the London School of Economics, said that martial law in Maguindanao has successfully prevented a potential  explosion" of information from the Ampatuans regarding the electoral fraud in 2004.

 One of the side effects of the rupture of this alliance would be someone in the know would turn from concealing to revealing what actually happened. Martial law actually enabled the forces of the state to isolate the leaders of the clan and enter into negotiations with them," he said in a forum in Quezon City Wednesday.

 These negotiations are of course outside the (eyes) of the people. We will still find out in the next weeks what will come out of those negotiations," he added.

Lara, however, pointed out that the dismantling of the Ampatuan clan also brought a problem to the administration, especially in the coming 2010 elections.

 The big problem now of the administration is who will operate for them in Muslim Mindanao in 2010? The Ampatuans facilitated their  operations there in 2004. Now, they have to restructure their system of electoral fraud there," he said.

Arroyo has been alleged as rigging the 2004 elections, made public by the  Hello Garci" scandal. The  Hello, Garci Tapes" refer to wiretapped phone conversations between a man, believed to be former elections commissioner Virgilio Garcillano, and a woman, believed to be President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo.

The Ampatuan clan is said to have been instrumental in delivering votes from the provinces of Muslim Mindanao to Arroyo in 2004.

Lara said the administration may already be conducting  discussions" with other political clans in the region following the fall of the Ampatuans to make sure votes from Muslim Mindanao would favor the administration bets in 2010. - JV/GMANews.TV


From GMA News: http://www.gmanews.tv/story/178958/martial-law-prevented-ampatuans-from-telling-all-about-arroyo

Oplan Alpha

Oplan Alpha, an alleged plot to declare martial law in the Philippines, was planned a week after Defense secretary Gilbert "Gibo" Teodoro agreed to become Lakas-KAMPI CMD presidential bet. The plot involves heightening tensions in Mindanao leading to a situation where it is untenable for the government not to declare martial law in the region.

Oplan Alpha, a source says, also aims to suspend the conduct of the elections in May 10, 2010 and extend the term of the President for two years.

click here to continue reading...

Something’s gotta give

Theres The Rub
by Conrado de Quiros
from Philippine Daily Inquirer

Before President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo declared martial law in Maguindanao, a couple of people called me. They had been to different forums at the University of the Philippines, one on the Maguindanao massacre and the other on Arroyo’s decision to run for Congress. They had the same thing to tell me: People were furious.

The first was understandable because it was attended by the kin of some of the victims. Their lamentations, apart from their curses, could be heard from UP to Mindanao State University. “Monsters,” “animals,” “savages,” were just some of the words spat out there. Words that had the virtue of conveying revulsion but which had my friend worrying that by suggesting an inhuman provenance to the atrocity, they put it past the realm of secular understanding.

The second brought no weeping, just gnashing of teeth. The idea of Arroyo refusing to give up power, even if she had to drag herself down the gutter in an attempt to bring back the stench to everything through the backdoor was astounding even for those who had warned so.

“Sugapa” was the least of what was said, the other expostulations destined never to see the light of print. It had my other friend shaking his head in wondrous disbelief: “Iba na, bok, things have changed. I have not seen this kind of anger in a long time.”

UP is arguably just one school. But the sudden hiss of fire-and-brimstone wrath, like steam from a parched earth at the first pelting of rain, can be seen elsewhere. In schools, in Facebook and Twitter, in media, in the pulpits, in the markets, in the alleys, in the fields, in the forests, in the streets. It’s a deep-throated rumble from the bowels of this earth that truly hasn’t been heard in a long time.

This was before Pulse Asia came out with a survey that said 79 percent of Filipino voters will not vote for anyone Arroyo endorses, which pretty much dooms Gilbert Teodoro’s campaign, however he twists and turns and trots out a brave front. It’s now just an exercise in masochism, in banging one’s head against a wall and loving it.

When Pulse Asia did the survey, the Ampatuans had not yet gone on a Manson-type spree of mayhem, a thing that has met with boundless revulsion. When Pulse Asia did the survey, Arroyo had not yet declared her decision to run for Congress, a thing that was met with boundless contempt. When Pulse Asia did the survey, Arroyo had not yet declared martial law in Maguindanao, a thing that has met with violent condemnation. You can just imagine what the next survey will say—if she is still around to appreciate it.

That’s the thing to worry about. Not the silly notion that by turning congresswoman, Arroyo can become House speaker, impeach the new president, mount Charter change, and become prime minister. Which, quite incidentally, Raul Gonzalez posits. Obviously Gonzalez does not know his politics any more than his law. Even if Lakas-Kampi overwhelms Congress, why should it remain loyal to a former, and much depleted, benefactor when it can always, as has always happened in the past, fly to a new one?

A sea change has swept over the landscape since Aug. 5. Arroyo has fallen from seemingly unreachable heights, a fall so precipitous you can hear the thud from here to Timbuktu. The days when she could spit iniquity on the face of the citizens, daring them to do something about it—e, ano ngayon, ano’ng magagawa n’yo?—are over. It’s not just that the nature of the beast makes an Arroyo comeback via the congressional route impossible, it is that her unbridled unpopularity, to say the least, makes her very hold on office tenuous.

That is the mother of all ironies. That is a twist of fate to drown all twists of fate. The one thing I’ve wished for devoutly these past several years is the one thing I’m deathly scared of now. That is that Arroyo might not last till Election Day. That is that Arroyo might be ousted by People Power.

The size and depth of the anger are unusual, and there are a couple of factors that could push the citizens to the brink. The first is the trial of the Ampatuans. It puts Arroyo in a bind. On one hand, she gives up the Ampatuans, the Ampatuans give her up. Pushed to the brink, they could sing louder than drunks at a karaoke, confessing all the things they did for her in 2004. On the other hand, she foot-drags or removes the case from sight or sound, she enrages the citizenry even more. Either way, given the state of her unpopularity right now, the results could be catastrophic.

The second is that Edsa 2 is just a month away. Traditionally, politics winds down in December, when people forget their enmities and gather around the hearth for some Christmas cheer. However there is little to cheer about this year of absolute disaster. Traditionally as well however, politics winds up in January, when people buckle down to reality, or have reality splashed like ice water on their hung-over faces, when people wake up broke after the season’s carousing. Come January, people are in a foul mood.

Edsa 2 in particular comes at the opening of the year. That’s the one thing Arroyo has been exceptionally anxious not to celebrate, the thing that brought her to power being the very thing that could get her out of it. The last couple of years have seen her deriding it viciously, telling the world this country has matured enough to let tyrants well enough alone. Given the length and width and height of loathing she has inspired of late, you never know what can happen when Edsa 2 is given the attention it deserves, and when the magical gift it gave Arroyo, which she repaid like a cur, is recalled. It’s a combustible mix, and combustible mixes have a way of combusting spontaneously. Something triggers it, and I doubt that even Noynoy Aquino, who holds the franchise on Edsa, can stop it.

Don’t you have a sense that before long something’s gotta give?