Friday, March 29, 2013

Chiz told to be cautious in dealing with Heart's parents especially if he eyes higher post


InterAksyon.com
The online news portal of TV5

MANILA, Philippines – Political analyst Ramon Casiple has advised reelectionist Francis "Chiz" Escudero to be cautious in dealing with the parents of his girlfriend, Heart Evangelista, saying his relations with them could affect his political career, especially if he plans to run for a higher post in 2016. 

Pag na-mishandle, malaking danger na tamaan siya ng husto ng issue [If mishandled, there’s a big danger that he would seriously be affected by the issue],” Casiple, executive director of the Institute for Political and Electoral Reform, told News5 on Tuesday.

If Escudero intends to run for president in the 2016 elections, it will be crucial for him to stay on top of the senatorial race this year, according to Casiple.

Embroiled in a controversy over his girlfriend, Escudero slid down from the number two spot in the latest Social Weather Stations (SWS)-BusinessWorld survey on senatorial preferences.

The results of the March 15-17 survey, published Tuesday, saw Escudero, who is running under the administration’s Team PNoy, drop to the third-fourth spot, with a score of 48 points, from the number two post he had been holding on since December.

Escudero's current score, 14 points below the 62 percent he took in SWS’ February survey, had him tied with San Juan Representative JV Ejercito of the United Nationalist Alliance.
Taking over the number two spot was Senator Alan Peter Cayetano, running for reelection like Escudero, with a score of 57 percent.


On Tuesday, opposition senatorial bet Joseph Victor “JV” Ejercito defended his father and United Nationalist Alliance (UNA) stalwart Joseph Estrada against insinuations that the latter had a hand in the attacks made by Evangelista’s parents against Escudero.

Although Ejercito admitted that Estrada and Evangelista’s parents, Rey and Cecilia Ongpauco, are friends, he said his father had nothing to do with the criticisms hurled against Escudero by his girlfriend’s parents.

“They are friends. So, ano masama doon? Meron lang magkaibigan, ganoon na ‘yon? Paniniwalaan na natin? That's impossible. Huwag naman nating insultuhin ‘yong pamilya sa ganoong anggulo [So what’s wrong with that? Just because they ‘re friends it’s like that? We believe that? That's impossible. Let’s not insult the family through that angle],” said Ejercito.

Also, UNA senatorial bet Nancy Binay, daughter of Vice President Jejomar Binay, on Tuesday defended Estrada saying  “it’s not in the character” of the former president to concoct “shallow” issues for UNA’s benefit.  

Earlier, Escudero said that aside from Estrada dropping him from UNA as guest candidate, he also received information that the former president was campaigning against him.

According to Casiple, it wouldn't be surpising if Estrada and UNA would take action against Escudero for allegedly disregarding his being guest candidate of the opposition coalition. 
Also, Casiple said that if Escudero decides to seek the vice presidency, he would likely run against Estrada's son. "At the least, 'yong anak ni Erap, si Jingoy, at siya.

Last year, Sen. Jinggoy Estrada hinted that he might follow his father's footsteps by running for vice president in 2016.  

http://www.interaksyon.com/article/58056/chiz-advised-to-be-cautious-in-dealing-with-hearts-parents-especially-if-hes-eyeing-presidency

Thursday, March 28, 2013

Tensions resurface: Vietnam accuses China of opening fire on boat in South China Sea


Vietnam has accused China of opening fire on a fishing boat in the disputed South China Sea and burning down its cabin, charges denied by Beijing on Tuesday as tensions resurface over sovereignty in the energy-rich waters.

Claims by an increasingly powerful China over most of the South China Sea have set it directly against U.S. allies Vietnam and the Philippines. Brunei, Taiwan and Malaysia also claim parts of the waters and China has a separate dispute with Japan in the East China Sea.

A statement posted on the Vietnamese government's website said the trawler was chased away and came under attack from Chinese ships near the Paracel islands on March 20, calling the incident a breach of international maritime law.

Vietnam's state-controlled newspapers showed photographs on Tuesday of what they said were the charred remains of the ship's cabin.

"This is a very serious case, violating Vietnam's sovereignty," the Foreign Ministry said in the statement posted late on Monday.

"Vietnam resolutely opposes this and demands China investigates and strictly deals with the above inhumane wrongdoing and compensates for the damages carried by Vietnamese fishermen."

Vietnam's condemnation of China's claims to the sea and its numerous reefs and tiny islands was the strongest since early December, when it accused Chinese ships of sabotaging an exploration operation by state oil and gas company, Petrovietnam by cutting a seismic cable.
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Hong Lei rejected Vietnam's claim that the trawler had been damaged and urged it to teach its fishermen to stay out of its waters.

"The response by the relevant Chinese body against the illegal Vietnamese fishing boat was appropriate and reasonable," Hong told reporters in Beijing.

"We hope the Vietnamese side takes earnest steps to improve education for and management of fishermen to stop such illegal activities."

The South China Sea holds around 11 billion barrels of oil and 190 trillion cubic feet of natural gas in proven and probable reserves, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration.
In a sign of China's increasing military assertiveness at home and abroad, it announced earlier this month a 10.7 percent increase in annual defense spending to 740.6 billion yuan ($119 billion).

The latest flare-up comes at a bad time for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which on April 24 will begin its first summit of the year in Brunei.

The South China Sea has long been a divisive issue for the a grouping set to become an integrated economic community within three years. Several of its members are dependent on China for trade and investment, while others are at odds with Beijing over its maritime claims.
ASEAN's credibility was dealt a major blow last year when it failed to issue a joint communiqué for the first time in its history, with no agreement among its 10 members on a common stance over the South China Sea.

China was accused of leaning on allies to ensure there was no mention of the issue in the statement, a claim it denied.

Aquino criticized for veto of pro-poor bill


PRESIDENT Benigno Aquino III is receiving criticisms for his decision to veto a bill that would protect the rights of the poor by ensuring them equal access to basic rights and government services.

In an interview after keynoting the 5th Anniversary of the Civil Aviation Authority of the Philippines in Pasay City on Monday, Aquino confirmed that he did not sign the proposed Magna Carta for the Poor measure, citing the improbability of the government meeting its demands.

But Zambales Representative Mitos Magsaysay, Aquino's staunches critic, said the President's veto of the proposed measure shows "that he has no love and concern for our less fortunate brothers."

"His elitist background is showing," Magsaysay, an author of the House version of the bill, said.
Gabriela party-list Representative Luzviminda Ilagan said Aquino being a member of an elite clan "cannot relate to the concerns of the impoverished in our country."

"Do we not say that those who have less in life should have more in law? But with the President's veto, even the law cannot be source of relief to the poor," Ilagan said.

But Aquino found an ally in one of the bill's author, Bagong Henerasyon party-list Representative Bernadette Herrera-Dy, who said that the President has a valid reason for the veto.

"His strong support for the CCT (conditional cash transfer) program is a testimony of how he feels for the poor. We are sure the President's objections are not contradictory to the rationale behind the measure," Herrera-Dy said.

Senator Francis Pangilinan, who sponsored the Senate version of the bill, said earlier that the Magna Carta for the Poor seeks to ensure the protection of five basic rights of every Filipino.

Under the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), a multilateral treaty adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on December 16, 1966, the Philippines, as a signatory, joins 160 other countries in committing to work towards the granting of economic, social, and cultural rights (ESCR) to individuals, including labor rights and the right to health, the right to education, and the right to an adequate standard of living.
Aquino cited Section 4 of the ICESCR which gave the poor the right to immediately demand "the enjoyment of which is an essential step towards poverty alleviation: a) the right of food; b) the right to employment and livelihood; c) the right to quality education; d) the right to shelter; and e) the right to basic health services and medicine."

He noted as an example the provision of providing shelter, which he said is around five million social housing units that will cost P2.320-trillion, which is the entire budget for this year of about P2-trillion.

"The right to food, the right to work, the right to health, the right to education are not yet included," the President said, adding that he did not want the concerned government agencies and officials to be sued if they fail to provide the basic services embodied in the vetoed measure.

"So, our corrective action is, we direct the social cluster (of the Cabinet) to draw up a substitute measure that we will give to the next Congress and, hopefully, that they will act upon with haste," Aquino added.

House Speaker Feliciano Belmonte Jr., however, doubts that the present 15th Congress will be able to deliberate on the substitute measure with haste considering that they have only two session days in June before Congress adjourns sine die.

"We can't pass it in the 15th Congress anymore. But for sure, it will be a priority in the next Congress and we can pass it the first two months of the first session," Belmonte said in a text message Monday. (Kathrina Alvarez/SDR/Sunnex)

http://www.sunstar.com.ph/manila/local-news/2013/03/25/aquino-criticized-veto-pro-poor-bill-274669#.UVEcFgiRg4c.facebook

TOUGH TALK | 'Change course or perish,' South Korean president tells North

By: Agence France-Presse

DAEJEON, South Korea -- South Korean President Park Geun-Hye warned North Korea on Tuesday that its only "path to survival" lay in abandoning its nuclear and missile programs.
In a speech to mark the third anniversary of the sinking of a South Korean naval vessel by what Seoul insists was a North Korean submarine, Park called on Pyongyang to "change course" at a time of elevated military tension on the Korean peninsula.

"For the North, the only path to survival lies in stopping provocations and threats, abandoning its nuclear weaponry and missiles, and becoming a responsible member of the international community," Park said.

The president delivered her speech at the national cemetery in the central city of Daejeon where the 46 sailors who died when the Cheonan corvette sunk are buried.

North Korea has always denied any involvement in the incident which precipitated a total freeze in South-North relations.

"Even now, North Korea is threatening our national security," Park said, citing Pyongyang's successful long-range rocket test in December and the third nuclear test it carried out last month.

Both events triggered UN sanctions that infuriated the North, which has spent the past month issuing increasingly dire threats about unleashing an "all-out war" backed by nuclear weapons.
Sabre-rattling and displays of brinkmanship are nothing new in the region, but there are concerns that the current situation is so volatile that one accidental step could escalate into serious confrontation and conflict.

Bruce Klingner, a Korea expert at the conservative Heritage Foundation in Washington, believes the "risk of miscalculation and escalation" is heightened by the presence of new leaders in both Koreas.

Kim Jong-Un, believed to be in his late 20s, succeeded his late father Kim Jong-Il as North Korea's supreme leader a little more than a year ago, while Park was only sworn in last month.
Park had campaigned on a pledge of greater engagement with North Korea, but February's nuclear test put any rapprochement on indefinite hold.

Kim, meanwhile, has spent the past few weeks touring frontline military units, monitoring live fire artillery drills and drone strikes and making inflammatory speeches about wiping out the enemy.

On the eve of the Cheonan sinking anniversary, Kim oversaw joint army and navy exercises to repel an amphibious landing along the eastern coast.

"He stressed the need to destroy the enemies in waters to the last man ... and send all of them to the bottom of the sea as they run wild like wolves threatened with fire," the official Korean Central News Agency reported.

EDITORIAL | What 'investment grade' means for Filipinos - and what it doesn't


By: InterAksyon.com

Fitch Ratings on Wednesday gave the Philippines a historic thumbs up, rating the economy "investment grade" for the first time ever.

There is no spoiling this development. It is good news. Our leaders deserve credit as well as some basking in the limelight. By leaders though, it's important to stress that this refers to both Gloria Macapagal Arroyo and Benigno Aquino III. The former's government for initiating the reforms that Fitch says made the Philippines resilient at a time of great global chaos, and the latter's administration for following through on those reforms, while also layering on top of everything a great push for transparency and good governance.

Beyond the government, the millions of overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) also deserve credit for helping bolster the country's current account surplus, which Fitch Ratings acknowledged as one key to the whole Philippine story. OFWs contribute to the surplus through their remittances, which already accounts for 10 percent of GDP. Remittances help the economy in more ways than one. Money OFWs send home to their loved ones also finance consumer spending, which make up two-thirds of GDP and has propped up the economy especially during times when weak global demand take the kick out of our exports.

While there has been universal cheering, the news was greeted by two distinct messages. The stock market, in a frenzied, eve-of-a-long-break rally, surged to a fresh record. On the other hand, businessmen cautioned that an investment grade rating will not automatically lead to an influx of foreign direct investments, or FDIs – the clearest indicator that jobs will be created.
The public must understand what it all means. What, indeed, is supposed to happen, now that Fitch Ratings has promoted the Philippines to investment grade?

The textbook mantra is that investment grade status would bring down borrowing costs for the government, and by extension, for the private sector.

Investment grade also would supposedly open the floodgates to more foreign investments, specifically more conservative companies and funds that, by their own rules and mandates, are not allowed to place any money on non-investment grade - also called junk - rated markets.

No surprise then that Philippine stock traders, in a fit of rapture on the eve of Maundy Thursday, piled on to a "monster rally", on expectations that other foreign fund managers - who until Tuesday had considered us "junk" - could now be expected to place some bets on one of the smallest, thinnest, yet fastest-growing bourses in the region. This party just got way cooler, and we're expecting more (paying) guests. Net foreign buying at the PSE hit P1.35 billion on Wednesday.

The hope, which abounds among the country's economic managers, is that portfolio money (the short-term funds that mostly swirl in and out of markets generating profits for traders but not much for anybody else) would be followed by the job-generating FDI. With this, the Philippines' economic growth can finally shift from its current consumption-led tack to one driven by investments - something that has higher value-added and so is more sustainable. People can start betting on the Philippines, and not just on the stocks traded therein.

PNoy's economic managers yearn for this because FDIs comprise the most conspicuos missing ingredient in three years of economic growth. Even the record-breaking expansion last year was not accompanied by any meaningful job gains. Picture this: Philippine GDP grew 6.6 percent - which is above the 5 percent 10-year average – and yet it hardly made a dent in the country's unemployment, which, after being excused of more than 10 million jobs generated and found everywhere else but the Philippines, held at more than 7 percent.

In the meantime, the ranks of the country's billionaires have increased, pointing to a growing divide between the haves and the have-nots. Not something one can gloat about, especially during an election year.

But does FDI really follow the herd of portfolio flows?

Unfortunately, not necessarily. Investments in financial assets such as stocks and bonds are considered short-term bets because they’re easier to pull out when the party is over - they're electronic transfers, which is why portfolio funds are also called "hot money." Most people won't see – much less benefit from - any of that, except maybe to see it on cheap ink, or cheaper pixels, as magnified by the news. Beyond that, ni anino, as Filipinos like to say. Not even a shadow of it.

FDI, on the other hand, involves sinking - literally – thousands, millions, and tens of millions of dollars in equipment, factories, technology, job hires, etc.

And there's the rub.

What draws the bricks-and-mortar FDI into a country is more than just an investment grade rating. More crucial for such investments are infrastructure (transport, telecoms, energy etc.), reasonable and ideally stable, predictable, understandable government regulations and fees; in short, an environment that is conducive to doing business.

Unfortunately again, the Philippines has failed to make headway in these chronic concerns. According to the Doing Business Report of the World Bank, no meaningful change has happened in the last two years. Not in infrastructure, not in energy, not in the bureaucracy and red tape that remain as mind-numbing and paralyzing to potential investors as it is for any Filipino who simply wants to earn a driver’s license, pay taxes, or make it to their planes on time. The cost of doing business in the Philippines remains prohibitive. Meanwhile, the government has all of two (2) projects successfully bidded out for its cornerstone public-private projects. As another indicator of where infrastructure is headed, we've actually missed targets for spending.

Does this mean we're still stuck with more of the footloose-and-fancy-free-type of investments for now? Well, yes and no.

Yes, because the the short-termers have been here for the last year or so, helping fuel the stock market's rally to stratospheric highs - 24 record highs in the first quarter alone! – and in the immediate term, Fitch's message (or that of the traders, actually) is that they ain't seen nothing yet (down at the trading pits, to be precise). Understandably, some foreign fund managers, especially those that failed to ride on the PSE's surge since last year, may rethink bailing out of the Philippines following the rating upgrade. They may stay awhile, if only to appease shareholders who are aghast at why their fund manager failed to make money on Southeast Asia's new emerging tiger.

In fact, portfolio flows have become a problem of late, especially to the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP), which has been incurring losses by tempering the peso's appreciation. After all, the law of supply and demand requires that a flood of dollars flowing into the country should cause the peso to rise in value.

Which brings us to the "no" part of the equation. Additional hot money flows depend not only on the credit rating of a country, but more so on the relative risk-reward conditions (as defined by interest rates, earnings outlook, inflation, etc) of the Philippine and other markets.
As of Wednesday evening, the US stock market had risen to new highs, triggered by a slew of positive data in the world's biggest economy. Meanwhile, the PSE, following its surge, had become one of the world's most expensive markets, with price-to-earnings (P/E) ratios at upwards of 20 times.

And what goes up must come down. This explains the corrections in previous sessions, with investors using a banking crisis in Cyprus as an excuse to take profit – or in other words, to sell. This also explains the BSP's conundrum and why the investment grade rating at this time is welcome yet redundant.

The Philippine economy is drowning in money (courtesy of portfolio funds, remittances, etc) such that thousand-peso bills are coming out of bankers' ears. To encourage banks to lend out more, the BSP already cut its overnight rates and SDA rates to record lows. Treasury rates likewise have slumped, as the excess liquidity has been a boon to government. To prevent this excess money from fueling inflation, the central bank has been egging on the national government to tap this liquidity for its financing requirements instead of borrowing abroad. The Aquino administration has obliged, announcing a week ago that it was turning to the domestic market to finance bulk of its budget deficit.

The previous paragraph simply means this: No, dude, interest rates on that car or housing loan you wanted to take out, or on your credit card debt, won't go down as a result of the Fitch rating upgrade for the Philippines.

No less than the head of PNoy's economic team, Finance Secretary Cesar Purisima, acknowledges that except for Fitch and the two other major credit rating agencies, the financial markets had been pricing the Philippines as if it were investment grade – long before Wednesday's actual upgrade. Any potential benefit on interest rates has already been factored in.

Which should make every Filipino, acting alone or with a partner here or abroad, think: if the interest rates have been low for the longest time and you still haven't taken the bait to invest in anything more meaningful and longer term than stocks – if you're still betting on shares rather than the country – well, why indeed is that?

It's because it's not really the investment grade you – or everybody else – have been waiting for.
To be sure, there is substantial reputational gain from Fitch's affirmation of the Philippines' investment grade status. No wet blankets here.

But people’s expectations must be managed, if only so they can better focus on what they still need to demand.

The challenge for the Aquino administration is to take advantage of this new level of goodwill by unlocking the infrastructure bottlenecks, addressing the cost and ease of doing business, and deepening social reform. Only by doing so can it hope to distribute the dividends of the newfound economic growth to all Filipinos, and will the newfangled rating of being "investment grade" mean anything to the larger society. 

PRE-MALAYSIA FEDERATION | The 'Malay' ties that bind, and a pan-Malay dream betrayed 25-Mar-13, 1:12 AM | Joel C. Paredes, Special to InterAksyon.com Palace unveils 26 appointments to various government agencies 25-Mar-13, 12:39 AM | Philippines News Agency STORIFY | Bayani Challenge Day 2: Building concrete homes to fend off crocs 25-Mar-13, 12:48 AM | Tricia Aquino, InterAkyon.com, Photo courtesy of Bayani Challenge PRE-MALAYSIA FEDERATION | The 'Malay' ties that bind, and a pan-Malay dream betrayed

Joel C. Paredes, Special to InterAksyon.com

InterAksyon.com
The online news portal of TV5

MANILA, Philippines - If only because of family ties, there’s really nothing wrong with President Aquino hobnobbing with the Sultan of Johor, even if he is one of the most influential traditional leaders in Malaysia which has been forcefully trying to flush out loyal followers of the sultanate of Sabah that is resurrecting its claim over Sabah.

As a student in Harvard, Sultan Ibrahim Ismail, then a “tunku” or royal prince, was an ardent political admirer of the President’s charismatic father, the late senator Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, while self-exiled in Boston after undergoing heart surgery in the United States.

Ibrahim would later meet Ninoy in Singapore on his way home to Manila and join his family in Johor, which is adjacent to the island republic. The elder Aquino was believed to be also a close friend of Ismail’s’ father, Mahmud Iskandar Al-haj, who was sultan until he died in 2010.
Ninoy’s brother-in-law Ken Kashiwahara later wrote in the New York Times Magazine, ”On Aug. 14, Ninoy flew to Singapore using the fake passport with his real name. In Singapore he was met by the son of the Sultan of Johor and whisked across the border to Malaysia, where met with high-ranking officials from Indonesia, Thailand and Malaysia, to explain why he was going home and what he hoped to achieve.” After their meeting, Ninoy flew to Taiwan, his last stop on his way to Manila, where he was gunned down at the airport tarmac on Aug. 21.

Now, those ties between the Johor sultan’s family and the Aquinos have come back to haunt the President: Sultan Ismail is being tagged as Malaysia’s “link” to the Philippine president. The Sulu sultanate’s spokespersons alleged that this accounts for why Mr. Aquino “was lawyering for Malaysia.” Malacanang’s spokesman Edwin Lacierda, however, has replied, “how does one expect this government to support adventurism and armed approach in an issue that has …festered since the 19th century?”

The issue continues to heighten emotions and analysts say that could eventually affect close ties between the Philippines and Malaysia, even if the Philippines continues to play down the apparent diplomatic impasse on the issue

Perhaps it is  best to consider that apart from looking at it diplomatically, one can start by looking at how both countries coped with a similar cultural heritage because of their Malay roots, and not suffer from a cultural amnesia, resulting from centuries of colonial domination.
For one, historian Dr. Cesar Adib Majul , wrote in his book “Muslims in the Philippines” that  Muslim resistance, when Spain conquered the Philippines, was not an isolated  or insignificant phenomenon, but “part of the general resistance of all Muslims people in Malaysia against Western imperialism, colonialism and Christianity.”

It was in this period that the sultanate acquired Sabah—then known as North Borneo – as a reward from the sultan of Brunei, for having quelled a civil war in his kingdom.  In turn, the concern of the Sulu sultan for the survival of his fiefdom in the south against possible British intrusion forced him to lease Sabah in 1978.

Today, historian Zeus Salazar notes, 88 percent of Filipinos in Malaysia actually work in Sarawak and Sabah with probably the majority in the latter state, which is the very first area that once constituted, together with Sulu and part of Mindanao, the “bridge” between “Dunia Melayu” -- or One Malay race--and the Philippines. All this means that Filipinos  were really in familiar surroundings, Salazar said.  

"In terms of both custom and language – they know Malay, just as the inhabitants of Sabah are conversant with at least one of the languages of the Sulu-Mindanao area,” he said. “There lies the hidden reservoir for Dunia Melayu understood both as Bahasa Melayu and the culture and history that have kept it alive till now.”

Indeed, here lies the reality that sustains the Filipino dream of identification with the Malay race, with our national hero Jose Rizal and nourished after him by Filipino nationalist thoughts.

Malay nationalism

Salazar points out that it was Rizal and the other illustrados of the 1880s who required the reassuring comfort of a new nationality, “a new identity that they could only build upon the ideal of a ‘lost homeland’ whose bosom he (Rizal) would have to trace back in history to an equally lost Dunia Melayu.”

In his book “The Malay Connection,” Salazar wrote that Christian Filipinos actually recovered their Malay identity only in the late 19th century through the help of the Spaniards who considered them “inferior” because they were Malays.

Austin Coates also wrote in “Rizal: the Philippine Nationalist and Martyr” that the Indios Bravos, which Rizal organized in Paris in 1889, appeared to have had a “secret group” which pledged to the “liberation of the Malay peoples from colonial rule, a pledge to be made good first in the Philippines, later to be extended to the inhabitants of Borneo, Indonesia and Malaya.”

Salazar, however, pointed out that Rizal was actually interested in the broader language-and-culture-grouping (essentially the Malayo-Polynesian) to which the Tagalog and the Malays belong.

At the time of his martyrdom in December on 1896, Rizal was still learning Malay because it was common belief that Malay was the original of the Tagalog language, he said.

Double post-colonial identity’

Like Rizal, most nationalists then were on “the twin tracks of a double post-colonial identity for the Filipino.”

Salazar, for instance, cited Apolonario Mabini, who had no knowledge of the Bahasa Melayu – the Malay language -- but looked at “the Philippine Revolution within the broader framework of liberation for all Malayan peoples.”

In line precisely with Rizal’s Indios Bravos Project, Mabini’s Revolution was designed to “give light to the gloomy night in which the vilified and degraded Malay race finds itself, so that it may be led to social emancipation,” he said.

For this, Rizal was enshrined not only as a national hero, but also as the “pride of the Malay race." Wonder no more why Malaysia has always given Rizal a special place of pride in its commemorations.

With the entry of the Filipinos’ Malay past into textbooks and the popular consciousness during the first six decades of the 20th century, our Malay identity became almost a sine qua non  to the Filipino identity and nationality, according to Salazar.

"Malay was just an idea congruent with the Filipino identity which itself had uncertain cultural contours,” he said.

"Nonetheless, it was reportedly an idea of “no uncertain emotional force” that became evident in the support that Tan Malaka got  in 1927, in the largest English-language press and from the then already practically English-speaking  elite, when he faced deportation by the American authorities on the instigation of Dutch colonizers.

As an influential Manila paper put it at that time: “The Filipinos would be hypocrites were they to misname their feelings as regards the nationalist movement in Java of which Tan Malaka  is today the visible  symbol  in our minds. He is Malay as we are Malays, and this racial kinship stirs in us the deepest sympathy for him ….Tan Malaka  might be Filipino patriot, of the generation of Rizal, come to life….We thus understand him….”

Pan-Malay irredentism

Five years later, student activist Wenceslao Vinzons revived  the Pan-Malayan irredentism  when he founded at the University of the Philippines the  Perhempoenan Orang  Melayu,  or Pan Malay Alliance, which sought  to “promote  the study of the history, civilization and culture of the Malay race... and to develop a sentiment of unity  among brown peoples.”

Salazar noted that Vinzons dreamed of a “unified Malaysia extending from the northern extremity of the Malay Peninsula to the shores of  the remotest islands of Polynesia” with Manila students form the Philippines, along with those from Thailand, the Malay peninsula, Indonesia and Polynesia. The “miniature league of Malayan brotherhood, ” the historian said, held secret rituals with Malay as ceremonial language.

Malay was also the “common language” which Vinzons wished could be adopted by all Malay nations “in the vision of the United States” in order to “overcome our frailties, so that by our renewed racial vitality we may give birth to a new nationalism, that of Malaysia redeemed.”
Another UP student leader, Domocao Alonto, the organization’s vice president and Vinzon’s fraternity brother, later even filed a bill, as a congressman and later senator, renaming the Philippines as Malaysia. This was years before the federation of Malaysia was founded.

After a preliminary meeting with then Speaker of the House  Manuel Roxas, Dr. Jose P. Laurel, UP President Rafael Palma, Dean Maximo Kalaw and Arturo Tolentino, Vinzons transformed his Pan Malayan Union into a political party, The Young Philippines,  which was formally launched on January 7, 1934.

Among the prominent members who joined the party between 1934 and 1941 were Carlos P. Romulo and Diosdado Macapagal. Vinzon’s party developed a libertarian program, aspiring for the independence of nations under a foreign domination and the establishment of “a confederation of free Malayan Republics.”

Despite his commitment to Pan Malayan unity, Salazar wrote that Vinzons was also keenly aware of the need for a national language among Filipinos, continuing Rizal’s and Mabini’s double vision of nationalism –  the “Filipino nationality within the greater  Malay-speaking nations of Malaysian peoples.”

Most of  the letters Vinzons  wrote would  end with either “Yours for a greater Philippines” or “Yours for a greater Malaysia.” It was also Vinzons who, together with Quezon, was instrumental in getting Tagalog approved as the national language of the Philippines.

Vinzons joined the guerilla movement  during WWII and was executed by the Japanese for refusing to cooperate with them. His hometown in the Bicol province of Camarines Norte was later named after him.

Meanwhile, when Macapagal  won the presidency of the republic, he  sought an entente with Malaysia  and Indonesia through the creation of Maphilindo with Vinzons’ pan-Malay unity as his  guide.

Macapagal worked out with Tungku Abdul Rahman of Malaysia and Sukarno of Indonesia the Manila Accord of 1963, in which  the three countries of Malay  stock agreed “to take initial steps to establish Maphilindo  through  frequent and regular consultations at all levels to be known as Mushawarah Maphilindo.

That salutary sense of unity, however, was not to be for long, as colonizers rammed down their own agenda. “(But) With the creation of Malaysia and its attendant dispute between the Philippines and the new federation over Sabah, the corner of Kalimantan which with Sulu had been the historic bridge between Dunia Melayu and the Philippine area, the Pan-Malayan dream got its first shattering experience of  the reality of modern realpolitik,” Salazar said.

http://www.interaksyon.com/article/57875/pre-malaysia-federation--the-malay-ties-that-bind-and-a-pan-malay-dream-betrayed

Wednesday, March 27, 2013

Gabriela backs SC ruling on stay of RH law


By Christine F. Herrera

THE status quo ante order on Reproductive Health Law only goes to show that the law has “loopholes and flawed policies” particularly on population control, and runs contrary to President Benigno Aquino III’s plan to privatize the 26 state-run hospitals, Gabriela Rep. Luz Ilagan said Friday.

Ilagan, who voted “yes with reservations” on RH bill, said Gabriela would show up during oral arguments in the Supreme Court to ensure that their concerns were tackled.
She also bared that the House tried to railroad the hospital privatization bill by passing it on second reading while everybody was not looking during the impeachment trial but that they were able to block it.

The bill was tossed back to the panel.

Ilagan accused President Aquino of doing “double speak” for wanting RH to give the poor free access to contraceptives and medical health care, yet at the same time depriving the poor access to cheaper hospitalization cost for pushing for privatization of 26 public hospitals.

“Various dissenting opinions including Gabriela’s reservations as explained in our vote when the law hurdled deliberations in the House underscores the various criticisms raised on the RH Law,” Ilagan said.

Ilagan has long raised its objection to what she calls the Aquino-Akbayan backed population control agenda in the RH Law.

Ilagan explained that the provision under the Declaration Policies, which provides that couples planning to have children should raise the child in a “humane way,” practically bars the poor from having children.

“It is population control and practically telling the poor to stop having children. How can the government expect the poor to raise their children in a humane way when they are not equipped with the means and empowered to do so,” Ilagan said.

“President Aquino is a strong advocate of responsible parenthood. We have no quarrel with that. However, as parents are given access to contraceptives, the President would also privatize the hospital that would make it more difficult for these parents to afford hospitalization,” she said.

http://manilastandardtoday.com/2013/03/23/gabriela-backs-sc-ruling-on-stay-of-rh-law/