The new ‘Indios’ and the new ‘Filipinos’

PerryScope
By Perry Diaz

“Indios” during the Spanish Era.

During the 300-year Spanish colonial era, the natives were called “indios” and the Philippine-born Spaniards and mestizos (mixed heritage) were called “Filipinos.”

In 1898, after a brief period of Philippine independence, Spain ceded the Philippine Islands, Puerto Rico and Guam to the United States at the Treaty of Paris for $20 million. The old masters left and the new masters arrived. Consequently, the fallacy that had been going on for more than 300 years was corrected: the natives who had been derogatorily called “indios” became the new “Filipinos.”

Spanish-Filipino mestizas: “Filipinos” during the Spanish Era.

The first thing the Americans did was to integrate the new Filipinos into the government patterned after the American civil service. Another was to educate the Filipinos in the language of the colonial masters, which is the exact opposite of the Spaniards who discouraged – nay, banned – the indios from learning Mother Spain’s language.   Only the Filipinos(non-natives) and the favored elite were allowed to speak Spanish.

It didn’t take long for the Philippines to progress after gaining its independence on July 4, 1946. In the 1960s, the Philippines was second only to Japan in terms of economic power. When the corrupt Marcos dictatorship took power, the country came to be known as “The Sick Man of Asia.”

Fast-forward to the Duterte era. President Rodrigo Duterte announced that he couldn’t stop corruption in his administration no matter how hard he tried to stop it. He also complained that the trafficking of illegal drugs continue to mercilessly destroy the lives of millions of Filipinos.   He was so frustrated that he was thinking of stepping down.

But then came another threat to Philippine sovereignty – the Chinese colonization of the Philippines. Indeed, the threat is three-pronged: influx of Chinese nationals, trafficking of illegal drugs, and debt trap diplomacy.

Influx of Chinese nationals

POGO casino in Manila.

China’s “One Belt, One Road” (OBOR) expansion into the Philippines has drawn various industries that created new economic opportunities. One of them is offshore gaming known as Philippine Offshore Gaming Operations (POGO), which was established after Duterte took over the government in 2016. There are now more than 50 POGO licensees, many of whom are Chinese groups.

The influx of Chinese gaming companies has created another industry – real estate. Due to the demand for POGO facilities, offices and houses of the Chinese nationals, property values have skyrocketed. The growth is phenomenal. POGO companies employ mostly Chinese nationals that deprive Filipinos of much-needed jobs. Their flimsy reason is they speak Mandarin, which is what the Chinese gamblers from China speak.

Indeed, the influx of Chinese nationals to the Philippines has taken a quantum leap. As a group that’s known for not assimilating with the general population, the Chinese would build in no time hundreds of ethnocentric communities – mega-Chinatowns — that would control the economic activities in major population centers.

Trafficking of illegal drugs

Illegal drug laboratory.

The illegal drug operation involves various players, to wit: Foreign drug manufacturers, smugglers, corrupt government officials, shabu laboratories, drug lords, corrupt Customs officials, corrupt PDEA officials, corrupt police officers, drug pushers, and drug users. It’s a hierarchy where all the players play a part in the distribution network that has turned the Philippines into a country of drug-induced zombies. It’s destroying the country!

The drug problem started at the top of the food chain – the drug manufacturers that are based in China. The Philippines has become the major distribution hub because of the corruption in every level of the government structure. Corrupt government and local officials protect the smugglers, shabu laboratories, and drug lords, who in turn bribe the corrupt Customs, PDEA, and police officers.

Debt trap diplomacy

Beijing has been given a 99-year lease on Hambantota port as part of a debt-reduction deal, amid talk of creditor imperialism following China’s buy-up of strategic ports in Piraeus, Darwin, and Djibouti.

Studies show that the Philippines is very vulnerable to “debt trap” because of China’s high interest rates. Compared to Japan’s interest rates that range between 0.25% and 0.75%, Chinese loans come with an interest rate of 2% to 3%, which is   12 times higher than those from Japan. Yet, the Philippines and other poor and underdeveloped countries would take Chinese loans only because they’re part of the OBOR “packaged deal.” It’s a trend called “debt trap diplomacy,” a new form of neo-colonialism.

In his attempt to improve and modernize the country’s economy, President Duterte is seeking more loans for the country’s infrastructure buildup in the next four years totaling a whooping P8 trillions ($150 billion). Since infrastructure projects don’t generate revenue directly, the country could fall victim to China’s “debt trap diplomacy.” Indeed, falling into a debt trap could lead to Filipinos’ subservience to China – second-class citizens in their own country, just like it was during the Spanish colonial period.

China’s ambitious trillion-dollar OBOR project has attracted 70 countries in Asia, Oceania, Africa, and Europe with railway lines and shipping lanes.

China’s ambitious trillion-dollar OBOR project has attracted 70 countries in Asia, Oceania, Africa, and Europe with railway lines and shipping lanes. However, to fund OBOR, China offers high-interest loans to poor and developing countries, which makes one wonder: What happens when these countries are unable to pay their loans?   Well, it’s just like having a house or a car that you can’t afford to pay the loans; the lender would either foreclose your home or repossess your car. In the case of OBOR projects, Chinese loans use natural resources and assets as collaterals that she could take possession of if a country defaults on her payments.

To date, eight countries are vulnerable to debt traps: Djibouti, Kyrgyzstan, Laos, the Maldives, Mongolia, Montenegro, Pakistan, and Tajikistan. One country, Sri Langka, had fallen into a debt trap already; she had defaulted on her more than $1 trillion debt to China. Recently, she handed over the Port of Hambantota and other projects to several Chinese state-owned companies. Another one is Djibouti, which ceded control of a key port to a Chinese-linked company. Djibouti is strategically located at the strategic Strait of Bab-el-Mandeb at the mouth of the Red Sea, an important sea-lane that connects to the Suez Canal.

It’s important to note that China has a preference for taking over shipping ports that are along the OBOR sea routes that would bring goods – particularly oil and gas — from as far as Africa and the Persian Gulf through the strategic Strait of Malacca all the way to China. With China controlling shipping ports along the OBOR sea routes, which are often referred to as China’s “string of pearls,” China’s domination of the sea-lanes is assured.

Neo-colonial masters

Chinese President Xi Jinping: The neo-colonial master?

In regard to the Philippines, with China’s high interest rates, the current government’s debt of approximately $123 billion could rise to over $1 trillion in 10 years. Given the humongous loans that the country gets from China, what’s the likelihood of China taking possession of Philippine assets if she defaults on her loans? There are lucrative assets that China could take over such as the oil-rich Recto Bank, Benham Rise, Malampaya gas field, Clark and Subic Bay Freeport Zones, Port of Manila, Port of Cebu, mining companies, and others.

Indeed, with the influx of Chinese nationals, trafficking of illegal drug from China, and the likelihood of defaulting on her Chinese loans is pretty high. With her geostrategic location in the South China Sea, where $5-trillion worth of goods pass through each year, it makes the Philippines a high-value target for China’s imperialistic expansion.

If China establishes herself as the neo-colonial master of the Philippines, the Filipinos would then become the new “indios” and the Chinese colonizers would be the new “Filipinos.” Does that sound like it would be the Spanish colonial era except that the Chinese would take the place of the Spanish colonial masters? Is this history repeating itself? The question is: Is it inevitable or could it be prevented?

(PerryDiaz@gmail.com)

Duterte Death Squad

PerryScope
By Perry Diaz

Col. Napoleon Valeriano and the Nenita Unit’s “Skull and Bones” insignia.

President Rodrigo Duterte has a plan that would counter communist assassins. It’s going to be violence vs. violence. It’s going to be an armed civilian group called the “Duterte Death Squad.” And it’s going to kill killers! Instantly, his plan sparked controversy and drew a cautious reaction from his own Defense Secretary, Gen. Delfin Lorenzana who admitted that the plan could lead to cases of abuse.

Duterte was referring to the Sparrow units of the New People’s Army (NPA) that specialize in assassinations. “Now what I don’t have is my own Sparrow,” Duterte said. “So I will create my own Sparrow. Duterte Death Squad against the Sparrow… I will match their talent also for assassinating people. They will have firearms for sure. That’s my plan,” he added. “They will do nothing but look for idlers who are prospective New People’s Army members and take them out,” he said. Kill them!

It must have shocked a lot of people including his allies. The idea was immediately shot down by Duterte’s own political ally, Senator Aquilino Pimentel III, president of the President’s ruling party, PDP-Laban. “That cannot be done. I’m sure the President will not create such a squad,” Pimentel said.

Even Jose Ma. Sison, the founding chairman of the Communist Party of the Philippines, has misgivings about the idea. “I think that Duterte is citing them [Sparrow units] as a pretext for organizing more death squads of the AFP [Armed Forces of the Philippines] and PNP [Philippine National Police] for the mass murder of mere suspects who are not even the target of any court warrant of arrest,” Sison said. He added, “Sparrow units, active during the martial law years, have not been operational since the 1980s.”

Nenita Unit

Col. Napoleon Valeriano and then-Secretary of Defense Ramon Magsaysay.

The use of death squads has its beginning in 1946 after World War II ended. One of the largest anti-Japanese guerilla groups was the communist Hukbo Ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon or Hukbalahap (Huks for short). With no more wars or enemies to fight, the Huks took to the hills under the leadership of Huk Supremo Luis Taruc to wage war against the fledgling government.

Under the command of then-Secretary of Defense Ramon Magsaysay, the dreaded Nenita Unit was created under Col. Napoleon Valeriano, whose main mission was to eliminate the Huks. Unconventional tactics were developed with the advisory role of U.S. Major Edward Landsdale, who was then working for the CIA. Working together with Valeriano and Magsaysay, they broke the back of the Huks in two years. With the Huks gone, the Nenita Unit was disbanded in 1950. The anti-Huk campaign propelled Magsaysay to national fame. In 1953 he ran for president against his former boss, President Elpidio Quirino, and won with the support of 68.9% of the voters.

Alex Boncayao Brigade

Communist Party of the Philippines Founding Chairman Jose Ma. Sison in exile in The Netherlands.

But that was not the end of the communist movement in the Philippines. In 1968, Jose Ma. Sison founded the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP). The following year, Sison and Bernabe Buscayno (commonly known as ”Commander Dante”) organized the NPA, the guerilla arm of the CPP. In 1984, after serving time in prison, Sison fled to exile in The Netherlands. He’s been there since. But he continues to act as CPP Chairman, directing the NPA from abroad.

The Sparrow units have their beginning when NPA’s Alex Boncayao Brigade (ABB) was created in 1984 during the martial law era. It was the urban assassination unit of the NPA. In the 1990, ABB broke away from the NPA over ideological differences.

After the ouster of Marcos in 1986, the ABB became more active in assassinating government officials. The ABB was credited with the assassinations of about 200 police officers between 1984 and 1993. The ABB acquired a reputation for viciousness and its hit men were called “Sparrow Squads” for their swiftness and skill in fleeing from the crime scenes. Typically, they operate in tandems using a motorcycle with the second man as the shooter. Due to the traffic jams that inundate the streets of Manila, a motorcycle could zig zag its way around the city; thus, avoiding capture.

In the early 1990’s the ABB was disbanded. In its place, a Sparrow-like unit was created. Known as the Special Partisan Unit (Sparu) under the NPA, it is different from the notorious “Sparrow Squad” of the defunct ABB.

According to PNP Director General Oscar Albayalde, over the last three years, there have been 136 hits on soldiers, police officers, rebel returnees, local government officials, and tribal leaders attributed to the present-day Sparu or Sparrow Unit. He said that they are usually based in rural areas, unlike the former Sparrow Squad who were based in urban areas. [Source: INQUIRER.net, Dec. 3, 2018]

Davao Death Squad

Davao Death Squad.

Duterte’s plan has similarity to the Alta Masa and Davao Death Squad, two vigilante groups that were active in fighting lawless elements in Davao City when Duterte served as mayor for two decades ago.

In the 1980s, Davao was known as the “Murder Capital of the Philippines.” Alta Masa was credited for fighting the NPA while the Davao Death Squad was responsible for fighting illegal drugs and criminality. Duterte took credit for cleaning up the city of crime. More than 1,000 were killed as a result of his anti-crime crusade.

CAFGU

CAFGU insignia superimposed on CAFGU militia in formation.

In the late 1960s to the 1970s, Tarlac politicians formed a paramilitary group called “Monkees” to fight the NPA, who were called “Beatles” because of their long hair. So, it became a fight between the Monkees vs. the Beatles. Instead of guitars, they used guns. But due to negative publicity, the Monkees were disbanded.

In 1987, the Citizen Armed Force Geographical Unit (CAFGU) militia was created. CAFGU is an irregular auxiliary force of the AFP. CAFGU units are tasked to prevent the re-infiltration of communist insurgents into the villages that have already been cleared of their influence by combat operations conducted by regular units of the AFP. The CAFGU units are armed with weapons and receive monthly stipends. They seem to be effective in keeping the villages safe.

Last February 2018, Duterte reportedly cautioned rebel returnees against going back to their hometowns. Instead he suggested they should join the CAFGU. “I suggest that you stay with the Armed Forces and be a CAFGU. You should be given that first so that you can go back to your hometown. You can’t go back to the mountains anymore unless you kill them all,” Duterte told 238 rebel returnees at a merienda he hosted in Malacanang. He also promised to provide them and their children free education and training, especially since “there is a scarcity of skilled workers even in Manila” for the government’s massive infrastructure program.

And this begs the question: Why doesn’t Duterte expand the CAFGU to integrate the “Duterte Death Squad” mission that he had in mind? By doing so, he’ll avail of the nationwide network and operational structure of CAFGU, which are already in existence since 1987. CAFGU works. Why reinvent the wheel when all Duterte has to do is make it stronger?

Simply put, there is no reason to create the “Duterte Death Squad.” President Duterte has enough firepower to fight the communists. Unless, he was only joking when he said he would create the “Duterte Death Squad.” Like they say in the streets of Manila, “Dyok only.”

(PerryDiaz@gmail.com)

Trump’s Hadrian’s Wall

Kaleidoscope
By Perry Diaz

Last December 12, President Donald Trump met with Senate Minority Leader Senator Chuck Schumer, House Minority Leader Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi, and Vice President Mike Pence at the Oval Office. Their agenda was the “Wall.”

Trump is so obsessed with the “Wall,” which he made a central part of his presidential campaign in 2016. He told crowds in campaign rallies that he’d build a wall along the 1,900-mile US-Mexico border and Mexico will pay for the construction.

The problem was Mexico didn’t want to pay for it. Besides, Trump never asked Mexico to pay for it before he made his promise. He just presumed that Mexico would pay for it if he kept on badgering them. Trump was naïve that he’s not aware of the term “Mexican Standoff.” Well, he’s got himself into a “Mexican Standoff” situation: He couldn’t make Mexico pay for the Wall. He tried and tried and tried. Nada. No way, Joe.

There's a story in Mexico that illustrates the Mexican Standoff very well. Two men driving their cars the opposite direction entered a narrow street and met halfway through. Neither could move forward, and each insisted that the other back his car up. Both men stood firm for more than 12 hours, until a policeman came and told both of them to back up. In a Mexican Standoff there are no winners and there are no losers.

Likewise, Trump and Mexico are at a standoff. So what Trump did was demand Pelosi and Schumer to pass a border security bill that includes the cost of constructing his wall. But Schumer and Pelosi would only agree to $1.3 billion for border security, but Trump wanted $5 billion for his wall.

Temper Tantrum

Their discussion became heated. Trump kept on repeating, “Wall is part of border security. Without a wall, there is no border security.” Then, the moment came and he said, “If there is no wall, I’ll shut down the government.” Schumer and Pelosi stood their ground, looked at him. Oops! It seemed like Schumer and Pelosi were ready for a Mexican Standoff. Exasperated, Trump said, "I am proud to shut down the government for border security. I will take the mantle. I will be the one to shut it down. I'm not going to blame you for it.” He then stormed out of the Oval Room. Schumer later told the reporters, “Trump’s temper tantrum will not get him the border wall.” Schumer and Pelosi won. Trump lost.

Hours later, Pelosi met with the Democratic caucus behind closed doors. She reportedly questioned Trump’s “manhood.” “It's like a manhood thing for him -- as if manhood could ever be associated with him -- this wall thing,” Pelosi told her colleagues. Then she added, “It goes to show you: You get into a tinkle contest with a skunk, you get tinkle all over you.”

Hadrian’s Wall

The whole drama about Trump’s wall reminds me of Roman Emperor Hadrian’s 73-mile long wall in the Roman province of Britannia in 122 AD. Hadrian’s Wall was a defensive fortification from sea to sea along the northern boundary of the Roman Empire for nearly 300 years. In Hadrian’s words, he wanted to “separate Romans from the barbarians” in what is now Scotland.

In the third century AD there was fighting along Hadrian's Wall. Emperor Septimius Severus went to Britain to fight the “barbarians.” Although his soldiers won the battles, he got sick and died in 211 AD. After his death, there are no other accounts of fighting along Hadrian’s Wall, which makes one wonder: Did Hadrian need the wall to prevent the barbarians from crossing into Roman territory? It took around 15,000 men and about six years to build the wall. Was it worth it considering that it was the Romans who tried to conquer the barbarians? In 411 AD, the Romans abandoned Britannia and the barbarians never bothered to cross Hadrian’s Wall after they left.

The question is: Is Trump’s wall along the U.S.-Mexico border needed? Trump’s characterization of the need for a wall is to stop illegal immigrants, trafficking of illegal drugs, terrorists, and MS-13 gang members from crossing the border. He called it an invasion that he even deployed 5,200 army troops to protect the border. He accused the Democrats in Congress of being against the idea of a wall because they want to have an open border. That is farthest from the truth. The Democrats – including many Republicans – don’t want the wall because of the cost involved -- $25 billon over the next five years. Besides, it’s not necessary; there are other ways of safeguarding the border. So, why spend $25 billion? Walls are passé. And that’s the reason why the Republican-controlled Congress didn’t support funding for the wall. But Trump doesn’t accept the reasoning.

Many in Congress believe that there are better ways to protect the border. They said that Trump’s Wall would not prevent people from crossing because of the existence of more than 100 tunnels that the drug cartels dug underneath the border. Many believe that guarding the border has to be more sophisticated than the current system, which is mainly using border patrols. The U.S. would just have to be more creative in this age of electronics. And that shouldn’t cost $25 billion to accomplish.

Campaign promise

But here’s the rub: Assuming that Trump’s wall along the border with Mexico is completed, what would prevent illegal immigrants, drug traffickers, terrorists, and gangsters from crossing the US-Canada border, from the sea, and from the air? There are international airports in at least 50 cities where tourists enter. Once inside the U.S. they’re hard to locate. And those who overstay their visas are called “undocumented aliens.” Trump calls then “illegal immigrants.”

The US-Mexico border is 1,933 miles long while the US-Canada border is 5,525 miles, which includes the Canada-Alaska border. The coastline of the U.S. has a total of 12,383 miles. Has Trump have any idea how to secure its 19,891-mile border with Mexico, Canada, and the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans?

The drug cartels are getting more sophisticated. Before they were using airplanes to bring their illicit products into the U.S. Now they’re using submarines to smuggle illegal drugs into the U.S. They are also using “mules” to smuggle illegal drugs by way of airlines or ground transportation. A “mule” is a person who the drug cartels use to smuggle contraband across the border. There are many methods of smuggling with the use of “mules,” which include hiding the contraband in vehicles or carried items such as luggage or clothes, attaching them to the mule’s body or using the body as a container, and hidden in a vehicle’s secret compartment.

In other words, Trump’s Wall would only stop a small percentage of illegal immigrants, drug traffickers, terrorists, and gangsters from entering the U.S. The Wall would only encourage them to look for other means of entering the U.S.

It is apparent that Trump is fixated on the “Wall,” which he believes would solve America’s illegal immigration, drug trafficking, terrorists and gang problems. Is it because he’s so obsessed to fulfill his campaign promise to build the Wall? But that’s not what he promised. What he promised was: “I will build a wall on our southern border and I'll have Mexico pay for it.” Well, Mexico already said flatly that they’re not going to pay for it; therefore, his promise was already broken. And that should have been the end of it. Yet he turned around and demanded that the U.S. Congress fund the Wall… or else he’d shut the government down! Whoa!

That’s callously irresponsible and detestable! I really feel sorry for the Federal employees, military personnel, veterans, and Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid recipients. They don’t get paid this Christmas only because Trump won’t get his “Hadrian’s Wall.”

(PerryDiaz@gmail.com)

The saga of the Balangiga bells

PerryScope
By Perry Diaz

Two Balangiga bells are displayed on a former base of the 11th Infantry Regiment at F.E. Warren Air Force Base in Cheyenne, Wyoming.

One of the most – if not the most – atrocious massacres committed against Filipinos occurred in Eastern Samar during the Philippine-American War. The order was to “kill and burn” the Filipinos insurgents and burn the town to serve as punishment for what the American forces suffered at the hands of Filipino revolutionaries earlier.

It all began on August 11, 1901, with the arrival of Company C of the 9th U.S. Infantry Regiment in the coastal town of Balangiga. The purpose of the Americans’ deployment to Samar was to close its port and prevent supplies from reaching the Philippine revolutionaries under the command of General Vicente Lukban, who served under Philippine President Emilio Aguinaldo while at war with the U.S.

Consequently, U.S. Brig. Gen. Robert P. Hughes, commander of the Department of the Visayas, instigated an aggressive policy of food deprivation and property destruction on the island of Samar and the closure of key ports, which included Balangiga. Hughes’ objective was to force the end of Filipino resistance.

Relations between the American soldiers and the townspeople were amicable for the first month of the American presence. It was marked by extensive fraternization between the two parties. This took the form of “tuba” (a local concoction) drinking among the Americans and the villagers. The Americans taught the villagers how to play baseball, while the villagers taught the Americans the martial art of “arnis.”

Balangiga massacre

Filipino revolutionaries under Gen. Vicente Lukban. Note some of them are young boys.

On September 21, 1901, an incident occurred that broke the friendly relationship between the Americans and the townspeople. As the story goes, a Filipino girl named Catalina was selling tuba in her family’s tuba store when two American troopers who had been drinking tuba tried to make some advances on the girl. Catalina shouted for help. Her brother and some friends came to her rescue and a brawl started. The two troopers ran to their barracks. Their commander, Capt. Tomas Connell ordered his troops to round up all the men in the town and detain them.

A few days later, Valeriano Abanador, the town’s police chief, met with Captain Eugenio Daza of Lukban’s revolutionaries, to plan a coordinated attack on the Americans.

In his research of the Balangiga Massacre, filmmaker Khavn De La Cruz, said: “Reinforcements were covertly slipped into town, under the guise of workers who were helping to prepare for a fiesta. The Americans were fed and given tuba to ensure that they would be drunk. The women were evacuated and replaced by men dressed in women’s clothes. They hid their bolos and other weapons in small coffins, passed off as the coffins of children who were victims of a cholera epidemic. Everything was ready.”

At around 6:45 in the morning of September 28, Lukban’s revolutionaries, who numbered around 400, ambushed the American troops. The Balangiga bells were used as a signal for the Filipino revolutionaries when to attack the U.S. barracks. Disguised as laborers, they surprised the Americans who were eating breakfast.

The townspeople and revolutionaries killed 48 soldiers, wounded 22 of the 78 men of Company C. The rest escaped by sea. The Filipinos captured about 100 rifles and 25,000 rounds of ammunition. The revolutionaries and villagers suffered 28 dead and 22 wounded. They then abandoned Balangiga for fear of reprisal.

Howling wilderness

Filipino revolutionaries under Gen. Vicente Lukban. Note some of them are young boys.

And true enough the Americans returned… with vengeance. U.S. General Jacob H. Smith ordered that Samar be turned into a “Howling Wilderness.” The bloody operation resulted in the death of more than 2,500 Filipinos. The Americans then looted the three bells in the church, which they took back to the United States as spoils of war.

General Smith and his subordinate, Major Littleton Waller, were court-martialed for “illegal vengeance” against the civilian population of Samar. Waller was acquitted while Smith was found guilty, admonished, and retired from service. However, the charges against Smith were dropped later. He was later hailed as a “war hero.”

But a soldier who participated in the massacre described his testimony: “The major said that General Smith instructed him to kill and burn, and said that the more he killed and burned the better pleased he would be; that it was no time to take prisoners, and that he was to make Samar a howling wilderness. Major Waller asked General Smith to define the age limit for killing, and he replied ‘everyone over ten.’”

War trophies

The three bells were brought to the U.S. as war trophies. Today, they’re displayed in two places. One bell is in the possession of the 9th Infantry Regiment at their base in Camp Red Cloud in South Korea. The other two are displayed on a former base of the 11th Infantry Regiment at F.E. Warren Air Force Base in Cheyenne, Wyoming.

The return of the bells is one of the most contentious issues and irritants in US-Philippines relations. The Philippine government’s demands for the return of the bells fell on deaf ears. After decades of attempts to get them back, the bells continue to wander in the “howling wilderness” in the minds of Filipinos.

In 1994, then President Fidel V. Ramos initiated attempts to recover the bells during the time of U.S. President Bill Clinton. The U.S. government replied that since the bells were U.S. government property, it would take an act of Congress to return them. Further attempts were made in 2002, 2005, 2006, 2007, and 2014.

A century of denial

President Rodrigo Duterte delivers his State of the Nation Address (SONA) in July, 2017.

For more than a century after the heinous massacre in Balangiga, America stood pat on her stand that the Balangiga belongs to her, to be displayed as trophies of war. But to the Filipinos, it was a grim memory of how their ancestors fought mighty America with their bolos. It left a lasting reminder of their ancestors’ willingness and readiness to die for freedom and independence.

In the past few years, memories of the Balangiga bells began to ring again… louder. Their tolls are heard again in the psyche of the Filipinos — “We want the bells back!” The least the Americans could have done was to return one or two of the three bells. But many Filipinos, proud as ever, wouldn’t settle for that, it’s “all or nothing.” And “nothing” it was. The U.S. simply wouldn’t budge.

In 2014, interest in the Balangiga bells was renewed when then President Barack Obama visited the Philippines. More than 3,000 signed an online petitioner urging the U.S. to return the bells. But there was no response.

On July 24, 2017, President Rodrigo Duterte delivered his State of the Nation Address (SONA) that was quite different from past SONAs. He told the U.S. to return the iconic Balangiga bells. “Give us back those Balangiga bells. They are ours. They belong to the Philippines. They are part of our national heritage,” he said in the presence of U.S. Ambassador to the Philippines Sung Kim who showed no reaction.

The return of the bells

U.S. Secretary of Defense James Mattis.

The following year, on August 10, 2018, a breakthrough happened! A prominent Eastern Visayas historian, Rolando Borrinaga announced a message he received from Bellevue, Nebraska Mayor Rita Gomez Sanders, who told him about the supposed announcement from US Defense Secretary James Mattis. “Good news today!” she said, “The Secretary of Defense announced the return of the Bells! Keep you posted for announcements, etc! I am so happy for you!” Mayor Sanders is Filipino-American. Borrinaga said that Sanders got the information from Nebraska Rep. Don Bacon, who got the information from Mattis. In his Facebook account, Borrinaga noted that August 10 was the fiesta of San Lorenzo de Martir, the patron saint of Balangiga. “The final clincher is the recommendation of the Secretary of Defense to the President for the bells to be returned,” he said. “The final push was brought about by the concerted efforts of U.S. veterans working for goodwill and understanding between both countries.”

The following day, August 11, it became official. The U.S. Embassy in Manila confirmed the intention of the U.S. Department of Defense to return the Balangiga bells to the Philippines. The embassy also said that Defense Secretary Mattis has notified the U.S. Congress of their intention to return the bells, which was necessary to get the concurrence of the U.S. Congress as provided for in the U.S. National Defense Authorization Act for 2018. However, several U.S. lawmakers — Wyoming Rep. Liz Cheney, Sen. Mike Enzi, and Sen. John Barraso — expressed “strong disapproval” of the plan. They are expected to oppose the return of the bells.

But the Philippine Department of National Defense (DND) looks at it differently. In a statement issued by the DND, it said: “We call on the American people not to allow the bells to serve as trophies for atrocities that were committed by both sides on Philippine soil a very long time ago. “The return of the Balangiga Bells will be a strong indicator of the sincerity of the Americans in forging a lasting relationship with the Filipino people and truly symbolic of what their government has referred to in the past as an ironclad alliance between our two countries.” The DND also reminded its American counterparts of the time both countries fought side-by-side during World War II and its current work fighting terrorism today.

The saga of the Balangiga bells is an epic story that has defined Filipino nationalism and heroism. For 117 years, the bells traveled from a town ravaged by war to the other side of the world where they were displayed as war trophies. “Return the Balangiga!” became the battle cry of generations of Filipinos whose pride have been hurt deeply by the indignity suffered by their forefathers.

Now, the bells will soon make their trip back to where they came from, the historic town of Balangiga. It’s time to rejoice!

(PerryDiaz@gmail.com)

Duterte Death Squad

PerryScope
By Perry Diaz

CAFGU insignia superimposed on CAFGU militia in formation.

President Rodrigo Duterte has a plan that would counter communist assassins. It’s going to be violence vs. violence. It’s going to be an armed civilian group called the “Duterte Death Squad.” And it’s going to kill killers! Instantly, his plan sparked controversy and drew a cautious reaction from his own Defense Secretary, Gen. Delfin Lorenzana who admitted that the plan could lead to cases of abuse.

Duterte was referring to the Sparrow units of the New People’s Army (NPA) that specialize in assassinations. “Now what I don’t have is my own Sparrow,” Duterte said. “So I will create my own Sparrow. Duterte Death Squad against the Sparrow… I will match their talent also for assassinating people. They will have firearms for sure. That’s my plan,” he added. “They will do nothing but look for idlers who are prospective New People’s Army members and take them out,” he said. Kill them!

It must have shocked a lot of people including his allies. The idea was immediately shot down by Duterte’s own political ally, Senator Aquilino Pimentel III, president of the President’s ruling party, PDP-Laban. “That cannot be done. I’m sure the President will not create such a squad,” Pimentel said.

Even Jose Ma. Sison, the founding chairman of the Communist Party of the Philippines, has misgivings about the idea. “I think that Duterte is citing them [Sparrow units] as a pretext for organizing more death squads of the AFP [Armed Forces of the Philippines] and PNP [Philippine National Police] for the mass murder of mere suspects who are not even the target of any court warrant of arrest,” Sison said.. He added, “Sparrow units, active during the martial law years, have not been operational since the 1980s.”

Nenita Unit

The use of death squads has its beginning in 1946 after World War II ended. One of the largest anti-Japanese guerilla groups was the communist Hukbo Ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon or Hukbalahap (Huks for short). With no more wars or enemies to fight, the Huks took to the hills under the leadership of Huk Supremo Luis Taruc to wage war against the fledgling government.

Under the command of then-Secretary of Defense Ramon Magsaysay, the dreaded Nenita Unit was created under Col. Napoleon Valeriano, whose main mission was to eliminate the Huks. Unconventional tactics were developed with the advisory role of U.S. Major Edward Landsdale, who was then working for the CIA. Working together with Valeriano and Magsaysay, they broke the back of the Huks in two years. With the Huks gone, the Nenita Unit was disbanded in 1950. The anti-Huk campaign propelled Magsaysay to national fame. In 1953 he ran for president against his former boss, President Elpidio Quirino, and won with the support of 68.9% of the voters.

Alex Boncayao Brigade

But that was not the end of the communist movement in the Philippines. In 1968, Jose Ma. Sison founded the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP). The following year, Sison and Bernabe Buscayno (commonly known as ”Commander Dante”) organized the NPA, the guerilla arm of the CPP. In 1984, after serving time in prison, Sison fled to exile in The Netherlands. He’s been there since. But he continues to act as CPP Chairman, directing the NPA from abroad.

The Sparrow units have their beginning when NPA’s Alex Boncayao Brigade (ABB) was created in 1984 during the martial law era. It was the urban assassination unit of the NPA. In the 1990, ABB broke away from the NPA over ideological differences.

After the ouster of Marcos in 1986, the ABB became more active in assassinating government officials. The ABB was credited with the assassinations of about 200 police officers between 1984 and 1993. The ABB acquired a reputation for viciousness and its hit men were called “Sparrow Squads” for their swiftness and skill in fleeing from the crime scenes. Typically, they operate in tandems using a motorcycle with the second man as the shooter. Due to the traffic jams that inundate the streets of Manila, a motorcycle could zig zag its way around the city; thus, avoiding capture.

In the early 1990’s the ABB was disbanded. In its place, a Sparrow-like unit was created. Known as the Special Partisan Unit (Sparu) under the NPA, it is different from the notorious “Sparrow Squad” of the defunct ABB.

According to PNP Director General Oscar Albayalde, over the last three years, there have been 136 hits on soldiers, police officers, rebel returnees, local government officials, and tribal leaders attributed to the present-day Sparu or Sparrow Unit. He said that they are usually based in rural areas, unlike the former Sparrow Squad who were based in urban areas. [Source: INQUIRER.net, Dec. 3, 2018]

Davao Death Squad

Duterte’s plan has similarity to the Alsa Masa and Davao Death Squad, two vigilante groups that were active in fighting lawless elements in Davao City when Duterte served as mayor for two decades ago.

In the 1980s, Davao was known as the “Murder Capital of the Philippines.” Alsa Masa was credited for fighting the NPA while the Davao Death Squad was responsible for fighting illegal drugs and criminality. Duterte took credit for cleaning up the city of crime. More than 1,000 were killed as a result of his anti-crime crusade.

CAFGU

In the late 1960s to the 1970s, Tarlac politicians formed a paramilitary group called “Monkees” to fight the NPA, who were called “Beatles” because of their long hair. So, it became a fight between the Monkees vs. the Beatles. Instead of guitars, they used guns. But due to negative publicity, the Monkees were disbanded.

In 1987, the Citizen Armed Force Geographical Unit (CAFGU) militia was created. CAFGU is an irregular auxiliary force of the AFP. CAFGU units are tasked to prevent the re-infiltration of communist insurgents into the villages that have already been cleared of their influence by combat operations conducted by regular units of the AFP. The CAFGU units are armed with weapons and receive monthly stipends. They seem to be effective in keeping the villages safe.

Last February 2018, Duterte reportedly cautioned rebel returnees against going back to their hometowns. Instead he suggested they should join the CAFGU. "I suggest that you stay with the Armed Forces and be a CAFGU. You should be given that first so that you can go back to your hometown. You can't go back to the mountains anymore unless you kill them all," Duterte told 238 rebel returnees at a merienda he hosted in Malacanang. He also promised to provide them and their children free education and training, especially since "there is a scarcity of skilled workers even in Manila" for the government's massive infrastructure program.

And this begs the question: Why doesn’t Duterte expand the CAFGU to integrate the “Duterte Death Squad” mission that he had in mind? By doing so, he’ll avail of the nationwide network and operational structure of CAFGU, which are already in existence since 1987. CAFGU works. Why reinvent the wheel when all Duterte has to do is make it stronger?

Simply put, there is no reason to create the “Duterte Death Squad.” President Duterte has enough firepower to fight the communists. Unless, he was only joking when he said he would create the “Duterte Death Squad.” Like they say in the streets of Manila, “Dyok only.”

(PerryDiaz@gmail.com)

The new ‘Indios’ and the new ‘Filipinos’

PerryScope
By Perry Diaz

During the 300-year Spanish colonial era, the natives were called “indios” and the Philippine-born Spaniards and mestizos (mixed heritage) were called “Filipinos.”

In 1898, after a brief period of Philippine independence, Spain ceded the Philippine Islands, Puerto Rico and Guam to the United States at the Treaty of Paris for $20 million. The old masters left and the new masters arrived. Consequently, the fallacy that had been going on for more than 300 years was corrected: the natives who had been derogatorily called “indios” became the new “Filipinos.”

The first thing the Americans did was to integrate the new Filipinos into the government patterned after the American civil service. Another was to educate the Filipinos in the language of the colonial masters, which is the exact opposite of the Spaniards who discouraged – nay, banned – the indios from learning Mother Spain’s language.   Only the Filipinos (non-natives) and the favored elite were allowed to speak Spanish.

It didn’t take long for the Philippines to progress after gaining its independence on July 4, 1946. In the 1960s, the Philippines was second only to Japan in terms of economic power. When the corrupt Marcos dictatorship took power, the country came to be known as “The Sick Man of Asia.”

Fast-forward to the Duterte era. President Rodrigo Duterte announced that he couldn’t stop corruption in his administration no matter how hard he tried to stop it. He also complained that the trafficking of illegal drugs continue to mercilessly destroy the lives of millions of Filipinos.   He was so frustrated that he was thinking of stepping down.

But then came another threat to Philippine sovereignty – the Chinese colonization of the Philippines. Indeed, the threat is three-pronged: influx of Chinese nationals, trafficking of illegal drugs, and debt trap diplomacy.

Influx of Chinese nationals

China’s “One Belt, One Road” (OBOR) expansion into the Philippines has drawn various industries that created new economic opportunities. One of them is offshore gaming known as Philippine Offshore Gaming Operations (POGO), which was established after Duterte took over the government in 2016. There are now more than 50 POGO licensees, many of whom are Chinese groups.

The influx of Chinese gaming companies has created another industry – real estate. Due to the demand for POGO facilities, offices and houses of the Chinese nationals, property values have skyrocketed. The growth is phenomenal. POGO companies employ mostly Chinese nationals that deprive Filipinos of much-needed jobs. Their flimsy reason is they speak Mandarin, which is what the Chinese gamblers from China speak.

Indeed, the influx of Chinese nationals to the Philippines has taken a quantum leap. As a group that’s known for not assimilating with the general population, the Chinese would build in no time hundreds of ethnocentric communities – mega-Chinatowns -- that would control the economic activities in major population centers.

Trafficking of illegal drugs

The illegal drug operation involves various players, to wit: Foreign drug manufacturers, smugglers, corrupt government officials, shabu laboratories, drug lords, corrupt Customs officials, corrupt PDEA officials, corrupt police officers, drug pushers, and drug users. It’s a hierarchy where all the players play a part in the distribution network that has turned the Philippines into a country of drug-induced zombies. It’s destroying the country!

The drug problem started at the top of the food chain – the drug manufacturers that are based in China. The Philippines has become the major distribution hub because of the corruption in every level of the government structure. Corrupt government and local officials protect the smugglers, shabu laboratories, and drug lords, who in turn bribe the corrupt Customs, PDEA, and police officers.

Debt trap diplomacy

Studies show that the Philippines is very vulnerable to “debt trap” because of China’s high interest rates. Compared to Japan’s interest rates that range between 0.25% and 0.75%, Chinese loans come with an interest rate of 2% to 3%, which is   12 times higher than those from Japan. Yet, the Philippines and other poor and underdeveloped countries would take Chinese loans only because they’re part of the OBOR “packaged deal.” It’s a trend called “debt trap diplomacy,” a new form of neo-colonialism.

In his attempt to improve and modernize the country’s economy, President Duterte is seeking more loans for the country’s infrastructure buildup in the next four years totaling a whooping P8 trillions ($150 billion). Since infrastructure projects don’t generate revenue directly, the country could fall victim to China’s “debt trap diplomacy.” Indeed, falling into a debt trap could lead to Filipinos’ subservience to China – second-class citizens in their own country, just like it was during the Spanish colonial period.

China’s ambitious trillion-dollar OBOR project has attracted 70 countries in Asia, Oceania, Africa, and Europe with railway lines and shipping lanes. However, to fund OBOR, China offers high-interest loans to poor and developing countries, which makes one wonder: What happens when these countries are unable to pay their loans?   Well, it’s just like having a house or a car that you can’t afford to pay the loans; the lender would either foreclose your home or repossess your car. In the case of OBOR projects, Chinese loans use natural resources and assets as collaterals that she could take possession of if a country defaults on her payments.

To date, eight countries are vulnerable to debt traps: Djibouti, Kyrgyzstan, Laos, the Maldives, Mongolia, Montenegro, Pakistan, and Tajikistan. One country, Sri Langka, had fallen into a debt trap already; she had defaulted on her more than $1 trillion debt to China. Recently, she handed over the Port of Hambantota and other projects to several Chinese state-owned companies. Another one is Djibouti, which ceded control of a key port to a Chinese-linked company. Djibouti is strategically located at the strategic Strait of Bab-el-Mandeb at the mouth of the Red Sea, an important sea-lane that connects to the Suez Canal.

It’s important to note that China has a preference for taking over shipping ports that are along the OBOR sea routes that would bring goods – particularly oil and gas -- from as far as Africa and the Persian Gulf through the strategic Strait of Malacca all the way to China. With China controlling shipping ports along the OBOR sea routes, which are often referred to as China’s “string of pearls,” China’s domination of the sea-lanes is assured.

Neo-colonial masters

In regard to the Philippines, with China’s high interest rates, the current government’s debt of approximately $123 billion could rise to over $1 trillion in 10 years. Given the humongous loans that the country gets from China, what’s the likelihood of China taking possession of Philippine assets if she defaults on her loans? There are lucrative assets that China could take over such as the oil-rich Recto Bank, Benham Rise, Malampaya gas field, Clark and Subic Bay Freeport Zones, Port of Manila, Port of Cebu, mining companies, and others.

Indeed, with the influx of Chinese nationals, trafficking of illegal drug from China, and the likelihood of defaulting on her Chinese loans is pretty high. With her geostrategic location in the South China Sea, where $5-trillion worth of goods pass through each year, it makes the Philippines a high-value target for China’s imperialistic expansion..

If China establishes herself as the neo-colonial master of the Philippines, the Filipinos would then become the new “indios” and the Chinese colonizers would be the new “Filipinos..” Does that sound like it would be the Spanish colonial era except that the Chinese would take the place of the Spanish colonial masters? Is this history repeating itself? The question is: Is it inevitable or could it be prevented?

(PerryDiaz@gmail.com)